Working-Class
Families and Ceramics: Socioeconomic Standing and Market Access at the Fort
Gratoit Site in St. Clair County, Michigan
Julia
R. Joblinski
ANT
540
9
December 2019
Introduction
The main goal of this preliminary analysis was to use of
two methods of ceramic analysis – sherd counts and estimation of the minimum
number of vessels (MNVs) – to assess socioeconomic standing and market access
at the Fort Gratiot site in St. Clair County, Michigan. Due to its location and
history, the Fort Gratiot site (20SC179) represents a unique context in which
working-class families lived during the 19th-20th
centuries. Differences in artifact deposition between those at the Fort Gratiot
site and other rural sites in Michigan are also noted. Therefore, another goal
of this research is to evaluate the usefulness of the ceramic analysis methods
mentioned previously for the site’s depositions of historical artifacts.
Ceramic
assemblages can be used to help archaeologists better interpret historic
archaeological sites. The most common methods include sherd counts and
determining the minimum number of vessels present. However, there is much
debate over which method is most efficient and better for different site
conditions. Additionally, the uses of these methods for interpreting
socioeconomic access has been contested. Another goal of this study was to
compare MNVs and sherd counts against each other for comparing their usefulness
on interpreting the lighthouse keepers’ and their families’ market/economic
access. Lastly, this study focuses on just one excavation unit from 20SC179 –
H-900 – and future analyses of ceramics from the entire site is necessary in
order to gain a fuller understanding of market access of those living on the
site.
20SC179
The Fort Gratiot Light Station (Michigan
Archaeological Site Number 20SC179) began operation circa. 1825, and is still
used as a Lake Huron lighthouse today. It was the first lighthouse in the state
of Michigan, and it was named after the Fort Gratiot which was just 500 yards
away from the lighthouse. However, the structure was poorly built, and the
lighthouse keeper mentioned that it was dangerous to climb. Over time, the
structure began to crack and crumble and during a storm in 1828, the tower was
completely destroyed. It was rebuilt in a different location in 1829 (Port
Huron Museum 2018). Lighthouse keepers and their families would live on-site in
houses adjacent to the lighthouse tower. They kept domesticated farm animals
(pigs, chickens, sheep, etc.) and gardens on the site, as well as hunted local
game for sustenance. According to the Port Huron Museum (2018), lighthouse
keepers did not make much money (see also Surface-Evans et al. 2016).
In October of 2016, Dr.
Surface-Evans and Central Michigan University (CMU) students conducted
subsurface and geophysical testing on the Fort Gratiot Light Station grounds
with the goal of reconstructing the landscape and figuring out where four
buildings – two privies, a shed, and the original lighthouse keeper’s house –
were originally located. Archival research, oral histories, shovel test
investigations, and geophysical surveys were all used as lines of evidence for
locating the old locations of those structures. As a result, the locations of
the two privies and original keeper’s dwelling were reconstructed
(Surface-Evans et al. 2016). During the 2019 summer field season, Dr.
Surface-Evans and CMU students opened test units in those locations. Units that
are possible Keeper’s Dwelling locations are H-900 and H-901. Privy units were
P-902, P-903, and P-904. The analysis presented here focuses only on Unit H-900,
due to time constraints.
Methodological
Discourse
Although analyses of historic
ceramics using sherd counts and MNVs are supposedly helpful and produce
meaningful results, many have argued for the use of one method over the other
(Hull 2007; Orton et al. 1993). Certainly, neither method is completely free
of issues. Sherd counts, for example, rely on the types of vessels, which are
typically based upon paste and decoration. Depositional and post-depositional
processes at the site can cause more sherds to break; the smaller the sherds,
the more difficult it is to determine their stylistic attributes. Therefore, if
one area of the site has more disturbance, sherd counts can overestimate the
amount of certain ceramic wares at sites (Rice 1987; Orton et al. 1993). However, Hull (2007) has
demonstrated that using sherd counts were useful for estimating social and
economic position at historic rural sites in Ireland.
Calculating
MNVs have their downsides as well. MNVs can be strictly quantitative or
qualitative, or a blend of both, depending on the nature of the ceramic
assemblages in question. MNVs are determined by assuming that sherds sharing the
same combinations of attributes belong to the same vessel. However, defining
attributes for each MNV grouping must be explicitly clear; otherwise, the whole
process of calculation can cause inter-observer error, and the process will not
be replicable for future studies (Voss and Allen 2010). Depending on the type
of pot and the skill of the analyst, it can be difficult to tell whether two
sherds which do not join come from the same pot or not (Orton et al. 1993). Still,
Voss and Allen (2010) maintain that MNVs are useful for quantification of
mass-produced ceramics, which is useful for estimating socioeconomic position.
MNVs also contribute information for depositional and post-depositional site
processes.
This
study of historic ceramics aims to address and evaluate these methodological
issues, while also seeking to learn more about the lives of the people who
lived at rural historic sites in southeast Michigan. Analysis of sherd counts
and MNVs can provide information about the individuals who inhabited historic
sites, especially in rural areas where other historical data are lacking.
According to Hull (2007), North American archaeologists working in a wide range
of contexts have found a positive correlation between the counts and percentages
of flatware in tableware assemblages and economic status. Conversely, a
negative correlation between bowls and economic status has been found (Hull
2007). The forms of tableware are, as suggested by the literature, linked to
socioeconomic position and dietary trends. Individuals in a higher
socioeconomic standing had more access to solid, more nutritious foodstuffs,
whereas those in a lower socioeconomic standing likely had access to cheaper,
liquid-based foods, which necessitated bowl-like vessels (Hull 2007; Rice
1987). Additionally, archaeologists have demonstrated that the comparative
presence, absence, and frequency of expensive or matching ceramic tableware
sets within archaeological assemblages can be a means of interpreting
socioeconomic position at historic sites (Hull 2007; Majewski and O’Brien
1987). To learn more about the families who lived at 20SC179, both sherd counts
and MNVs can be used to analyze the frequencies and absence or presence of
matching tableware sets, in addition to certain forms of tableware associated
with different socioeconomic situations (Hull 2007; Voss and Allen 2010).
Ceramic
Definitions
Since
this study relies heavily on the definitions of paste, decoration, and wares,
explanations of the differences of each are warranted. “Paste” refers to the
composition of the ceramic clay body. The ware categories within “refined
earthenware” include whitewares, creamwares, yellowwares, ironstone, and hard-
and soft-paste porcelains. These ware categories are defined by their paste (clay)
composition, color, and firing temperatures. For example, the overall
appearance of hard-paste porcelain is significantly more glass-like as compared
to ironstone, which has more of a grainy appearance. Porcelains are made of
vitreous clay, meaning that they are fired at significantly higher temperatures
than their whiteware counterparts, for example. Whitewares, creamwares, and
yellowwares – which are fired at similar temperatures from non-vitreous clays –
are usually defined by the color of their pastes. Refined earthenwares were
largely used for table service and kitchen use. Some, such as ironstone and
yellowware, had more utilitarian household uses, such as food preparation and
in bathroom fixtures. Some refined earthenware – porcelain especially – was
used for decorative household items as well.
“Unrefined
earthenwares” largely include stonewares and redwares. The paste appearances of
unrefined earthenwares mostly depend on the material used in the clay; firing
processes can also alter color. Their stony or earthy paste compositions set
them apart from their refined earthenware counterparts. For example, redwares
were typically made with a reddish-brown or buff-colored clay body. Stonewares,
as implied by the name, contain heavy temper and have a greyish-brown clay
bodies.
The
decorative elements of the ceramics found at 20SC179 will be defined in greater
detail in the Results section of this study. However, it will be noted here
that according to Miller (1980; 1991), different modes of decorations were more
expensive than others over time. For example, gilded ceramic wares (or “gilt”,
in which gold plating was applied to the glazed surface) was more expensive
than sponge-painted ceramic wares in the mid-1800s (Miller 1980). Conversely,
the decorative elements of utilitarian ceramics (e.g. wide-mouthed stoneware
jars and yellowware mixing bowls) varied much less in cost when it came to
their differences in decoration (Miller 1980).
Methods
Since
one purpose of this analysis was to compare sherd counts with MNVs, both
methods were used. For calculating sherd counts, the following ware categories
were recorded systematically: stoneware, redware, creamware, whiteware,
yellowware, ironstone, and soft- and hard-paste porcelain. Within each paste
category, the following decorative attributes were recorded: undecorated/plain,
transfer-printed, hand-painted, molded, sponge-painted, gilt, decal, colored glazed,
salt glazed, and tin glazed. Counts of sherds that do not fit any of these
categories or attributes were placed in a section titled “other” and were
elaborated upon in the form’s comments section. If distinct trade patterns
could be seen on the sherds, those were noted as well. Each unit level and the
presence of burning were recorded for the purpose of depositional analyses and
the assessment of site conditions.
To
insure consistency with the recording process for determining the minimal
number of vessels present, two different forms were devised. In Voss and
Allen’s (2010) synthesis of MNVs, they state that individual sherds may be
unique from any other MNV groupings; therefore, just one specific sherd may
represent a vessel (2010). It was found that using a separate form for vessels
represented by single sherds made the recording process more efficient, and it
was useful to separate those from the other MNV counts. Ware categories were
recorded, along with the modes of decoration that were mentioned previously.
Metrics such as minimum/maximum thickness and rim and base diameter were also
recorded, along with maker’s marks, evident burning, and provenience
information. If any cross-mended or otherwise affiliated sherds were present
from other intraunit proveniences, they were recorded on the form. Fragments
that exhibited non-descript or common attributes that could fit into more than
one MNV grouping were excluded from the MNV recordation.
When
inferring the socioeconomic situation at each of 20SC179, a few methods were
employed. According to Hull (2007), the overall number of vessels and the
frequency of expensive ceramic types can reflect economic and social status at
historic sites. Therefore, the frequencies of expensive or non-expensive ceramics
were calculated. Additionally, the forms of specific pottery wares may be
linked to socioeconomic status (Hull 2007; Rice 1987). When possible, the forms
of sherds were recorded during analysis; therefore, the frequencies of flatware
and bowls were taken into account as well. When applicable, sherds exhibiting
observable maker’s marks were traced to the original manufacturer using one of
the following: Godden’s (1964) Encyclopedia of British Pottery
and Porcelain Marks, Kowalsky and Kowalsky’s Encyclopedia of Marks on American, English,
and European Earthenware, Ironstone, and Stoneware (1999), and Lehner’s
Encyclopedia of U.S. Marks on Pottery, Porcelain and Clay (1988).
Results
Sherd
Counts
Table 1: Total Sherd Counts by Ware
Category
|
||||||||
Soft-Paste
Porcelain
|
Whiteware
|
Creamware
|
Yellowware
|
Redware
|
Ironstone
|
Stoneware
|
Total
|
|
N
|
3
|
642
|
6
|
3
|
36
|
1
|
4
|
692
|
%
|
0.4
|
92.8
|
0.9
|
0.4
|
5.2
|
0.1
|
0.6
|
100
|
Several observations about the quantities of cost-varying
ware categories can be made. The total number of sherds from Unit H-900 is 692.
Of those, 642 (92.8%) are whitewares; 36 (5.2%) are redwares; six (0.9%) are
creamwares; four (0.6%) are stonewares; three are soft-paste porcelains
(0.43%); three are yellowwares (0.4%); and one is ironstone (0.1%) (Table 1). The
ceramics in H-900 imply a dearth in the most expensive ceramic materials at
20SC179. For example, Miller (1980) shows that porcelains were among the most
expensive ceramic wares that were available during the 1800s. Furthermore,
soft-paste porcelains were of lesser quality and cost compared to hard-paste
porcelains. Quantities of lower-cost refined earthenwares such as yellowware
are relatively low as well as utilitarian stoneware. Due to the high numbers of
whiteware sherds in comparison to other ware categories, a study of the
different cost-varying modes of decoration on whitewares through sherd counts is
warranted.
Table 2: Total Whiteware Counts by
Decorative Category
|
||||||||
Undecorated
|
Hand-Painted
|
Transfer-Print
|
Dipped / Annular
|
Sponge-Painted
|
Molded
|
Blue Shell Edge
|
Total
|
|
N
|
319
|
53
|
132
|
31
|
54
|
12
|
6
|
642
|
%
|
49.7
|
8.3
|
20.6
|
4.8
|
8.4
|
1.9
|
0.9
|
100
|
As already indicated above, 642 whiteware sherds were
recovered in Unit H-900. Of those, the following decorative elements were
analyzed: 319 (49.7%) non-descript/undecorated sherds; 132 (20.6%) were
transfer-printed sherds; 54 (8.4%) were sponge-painted sherds; 53 (8.3%) were
hand-painted sherds; 31 (4.8%) were dipped or annular decorated sherds; 12
(1.9%) were molded sherds; and six (0.9%) sherds exhibited blue shell edge
decoration. According to Miller (1980), gilt and hand-painted motifs were among
the more expensive decorations on whiteware vessels. Alternatively, sponge-painted
and plain wares were on the low end of cost; transfer-printed and
dipped/annular-slipped wares were mid-ranged in price (Miller 1980). Just
through considering the vast number of undecorated whitewares compared to the
total numbers of other wares categories, one might make the interpretation that
the lighthouse keeper families had better access to ceramics that were lower in
cost, since plain wares cost less to manufacture (Miller 1980). However, due to
the amount of breakage of these ceramic sherds, the disproportionately high
number of undecorated whitewares is most likely representative of the portions of
vessels that are simply not decorated with anything.
Minimum
Number of Vessels
Table 3: Vessel Quantities by Ware
Category
|
||||||||
Soft-Paste Porcelain
|
Whiteware
|
Creamware
|
Yellowware
|
Redware
|
Ironstone
|
Stoneware
|
Total
|
|
N
|
3
|
52
|
1
|
2
|
7
|
1
|
2
|
68
|
%
|
4.4
|
76.5
|
1.5
|
3
|
10.3
|
1.5
|
3
|
100
|
The
total estimation of vessels in Unit H-900 is 68. Of those, 52 (76.5%) are
whitewares; one (1.5%) is creamware; two (3%) are yellowware; seven (10.3%) are
redwares; one (1.5%) is ironstone; and two (3%) are stonewares (Table 3). Like
the sherd counts, there are a significantly larger amounts of whiteware vessels
when compared to the other ware categories. Therefore, due to these large
amounts, counts of the different types of decoration on whiteware vessels were
sorted out (Table 4).
Table 4: Whiteware Vessel Quantities by
Decorative Category
|
||||||||||
Undecorated
|
Hand-Painted
|
Sponge-Painted
|
Flow Blue
|
Blue Shell Edge
|
Transfer-Printed
|
Dipped / Annular
|
Molded
|
Other
|
Total
|
|
N
|
4
|
6
|
4
|
1
|
6
|
17
|
2
|
9
|
3
|
52
|
%
|
7.7
|
11.5
|
7.7
|
1.9
|
11.5
|
32.7
|
3.8
|
17.3
|
5.8
|
100
|
As
indicated by the table above, undecorated whitewares make up 7.7% of all
whiteware vessels; there are six (11.5%) hand-painted vessels (one of which was
burnt); four (7.7%) sponge-painted vessels; one (1.9%) flow blue vessel, which
was also heavily burnt; six (11.5%) blue shell edge flatware vessels; 17
(32.7%) were transfer-printed vessels; two (3.8%) were dipped/annular wares;
nine (17.3%) were molded vessels; and three (5.8%) vessels were placed into an
“Other” category. The “Other” category consisted of vessels that combined
decorative attributes together in more obvious ways. These consisted of a
molded transfer printed vessel, a molded vessel with colored glaze, and a
molded vessel with dipped decoration.
Unlike
the sherd counts, the estimation of MNVs helped make the presence of matching
sets more obvious. For example, two black transfer printed vessels – a plate
and a shallow bowl – were pieced together during the MNV recordation process
(Figure 1 and Figure 2). This black transfer printed pattern is called “Rhone
Scenery” and was manufactured by T. J. & J. Mayer circa. 1845-1850
(Kowalsky and Kowalsky 1999). Other
matching sets were recorded, and consisted of hand-painted saucers and bowls,
sponge-painted bowls and teacups, and dipped/annular slipware. According to
Hull (2007), the presence of matching sets may indicate that households had
enough means to purchase more than one type of ceramic vessel of the same type
in a single event. Since there is evidence for this at 20SC179, it is suggested
here that the lighthouse keepers’ families at least generated enough income to
purchase multiple matching sets for household use.
"Rhone Scenery" plate |
"Rhone Scenery" shallow bowl |
T.J. & J. Mayer maker's mark |
Conclusions
and Future Analyses
It
is apparent that in both the sherd counts and MNV estimations that
transfer-printed ceramics are the most abundant ceramic category within Unit
H-900. Interestingly, both the sherd counts and MNVs indicated relatively
similar counts for other ware categories when comparing the two methods against
one another. Additionally, effects of post-depositional processes – i.e.
excessive sherd breakage – slightly impeded the sherd counts, due to a slight
bias in the counts of undecorated sherds. The presence of matching sets – which
were noted during the MNV process – was useful, since it implies that the
families at 20SC179 had at least enough economic means to purchase ceramics in
matching sets. Therefore, MNVs were more useful for interpreting socioeconomic
standing at 20SC179.
The
results of this preliminary study seem to suggest that the lighthouse keepers and
their families had access to ceramics that were lower- to mid-ranged in cost.
These loose estimations were made using sherd counts and MNVs as presented here,
and the economic scaling of ceramics as outlined in works by Miller (1980;
1991). Interestingly, both the sherd counts and revealed that whiteware
ceramics – particularly transfer-printed whiteware vessels – were most abundant
at the site.
Additional work needs to be done to make this study more
complete. In order to properly interpret the socioeconomic standing of the
lighthouse keepers’ families through time at 20SC179 via ceramic artifacts, for
example, the analysis of ceramic assemblages from the other units (H-901,
P-902, P-903 and P-904) need to be analyzed. Furthermore, a better
understanding of which local markets were available (both economically and
location-wise) to the Fort Gratiot Light Station families is necessary. Lastly,
archival research and knowing more about the economic situation of those living
on-site will help interpret how these working-class families lived.
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