As archaeologists, we need to study theory. We can’t DO
ARCHAEOLOGY without archaeological theory. Yet, I have met so many working
archaeologists who despise theory, claiming that they simply don’t need it. And
that hurts my soul. Realistically, though, so many folks probably hate theory
because 90% of it is dry, cumbersome reading – written by some old white dude
who hasn’t used a trowel in his life – that isn’t applicable to current
archaeological research anyway since it was written so long ago. I used to feel
extremely intimidated by theory; however, taking one of Dr. Brad’s
writing-intensive (and equally stress-intensive) theory classes sort of gave me
an epiphany. One of the keys to studying theory is also studying the social,
historical, and political contexts in which the theory is written. Also,
knowing anything about the same contexts of anthropological theory helps, since
archaeological thought closely follows anthropological thought. Like all things
in archaeology…context is important (Thanks, Bruce Trigger).
I won’t go down the “Where is theory RIGHT NOW!?” rabbit
hole in this post, but I do want to talk about a book that I’ve been reading.
In 2013, Douglas E. Ross wrote “An Archaeology of Asian Transnationalism”. One
of my mentors, Dr. Ken, asked me to review it a while ago, but I’m just now
finally getting around to doing that. Please bear in mind that I have not read
the whole thing yet; no one else in my circles has read it, though, and there’s
a few concepts in the book that are actually really profound, and I just really
need to talk to someone about it. Archaeologists typically adhere to one or two
theoretical themes or frameworks (sometimes they’re “blended” versions of a
couple of different ones), but more responsible archaeologists will explicitly
Ross studied the sites of early 20th century
salmon canneries, in which Chinese and Japanese migrant workers lived and
worked. These sites are on the Don and Lion Islands, in Vancouver, Canada. Ross’s
goal was to study the experiences of these Asian migrant workers through their
material culture from these sites, as well as adding to the volumes of
scholarship regarding the Asian transnational experience. The latter is
described in the first chapters as being fairly limited, due to the fact that diaspora
and transnational studies have not yet matured in the field of archaeology. The
first chapters are essentially an extensive (and incredibly useful) review on
diaspora and transnational theory, including the theoretical backgrounds and
definitions thereof. He includes anthropological theory and historical studies
as well, since this is an interdisciplinary study of sorts. And, like a good
and responsible archaeologist, Ross stated the historical contexts of the
theory he uses in this endeavor.
An extremely important concept to take away from this book
is that in order to study migrant populations through their material culture, one
needs to also study the contexts from which the migrants came – i.e., their
homelands. No culture is static or unchanging; therefore, Chinese and Japanese
migrants underwent processes of both change and persistence, which gave them
extremely complex experiences. Material culture “played an active role in creating
identities and relationships” (Ross 2013: 9), which adds dimensions to their
complex experiences. Later on in the book, Ross described the differences
between Chinese and Japanese cultures during the early 20th century,
including the foods they preferred, the types of ceramics, tableware, and
cooking utilities they likely used, and so on, using historical documents.
These differences ultimately influenced the materials that these migrant
workers used and consumed during their experiences as migrants in North America.
When I’m finished reading the whole thing, I’ll write about
it again. However, I wanted to express how useful this book is, in regarding contemporary
theory – namely about transnationalism and diaspora, which are important
factors to analyze when studying migrant populations through their material
culture.
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